The Yard Batting Cages

This story is the chronicle of a cure taken in the Amazon, using a healing plant considered sacred for probably more than four thousand years by many peoples of the Amazon basin. The central plant in this treatment is mostly known as ayahuasca, original Quechua word which means "vine of the spirits" (aya: spirit, death, huasca: rope, vine), but each cultural group that uses it the means in his own language. I am not a specialist, let alone a scientist, I have just been initiated. With this experience and curiosity it has aroused in me, I have collected this information gives a summary witness. First, some explanation of this plant. This is a vine whose main feature is its powerful emetic effect, and possibly laxative: a real tonic purge (not toxic), but its action does not stop there. When cooked in decoction with chacruna, a local shrub, the resulting drink is highly concentrated in alkaloids, including DMT. It occurs naturally in the human body, where he is responsible for nightly dreams. But this substance does not ordinarily hallucinogenic effect, because its action is blocked by a digestive enzyme. In decoction, the enzyme in question is inhibited by the alkaloids provided by ayahuasca (harmine and harmaline ..) and DMT can then produce its effects on the brain. Other plants are often added to the mixture, Take advantage of my week single, no children, to address diverse and varied business: hairdresser, storage, sorting, rest, car, sport. This is the program I m TODAY At the same time, the two oil crisis and the transformations of the production system, in short, the transition to post-Fordism, ie mass unemployment combined with a precarious status, will hit hardest the people who remain in these neighborhoods. They are getting poorer and more precarious. Especially young people. What breaks between late 1970 and mid 1980, it is the ordinary modes of reproduction of the working classes. Before a worker's son became worker. By integrating the plant, also incorporated a young lifestyle, norms and values, which also included trade union resistance. From that time the son of workers will become less and less workers. First because of mass unemployment that affects them, then because at the same time, was extended in school children of the working classes. This is a massification of education, which does not mean democratization. The first response of the socialist government in 1981 the problem of youth unemployment is a continuation school. It is a fool's bargain because this extension does not change the situation. Where the tray was a very important thing in the 1960s, if everyone has the tray in the 1980s, it is worthless. Inflation school is accompanied by a deflation of the value of educational qualifications. It was painful effects of the popular classes. The discourse on the democratization of education falls flat because the school does not transform social hierarchies. This disappointment has led to such a loss of authority of the school. Many young people will challenge the school authority because there is a gap between the promises of the institution and its practical achievements. Some fractions of popular youth find themselves in this way without occupational assignment, school assignment and without these forms of social allocation will not cause problems. Because they lock themselves in the immediacy. We all need a minimum predictability, to know what will happen tomorrow, to predict what we will do after tomorrow. It is necessary to make any project, whether for leisure, real estate, matrimonial, etc.. One consequence of the industrial transformation we mentioned, is that unlike the 1960 workers who could project into the future, either because they had stable contracts, either because the conditions allowed to leave a job to take better, some of the young generations have no possibility of seeing beyond their temporary contract. There is therefore in some of them to return the forms of indiscipline was known early in the pre-industrial period, at the time the articles were just very poor, where people were day laborers. We find the world of petty theft, recovery, of resourcefulness daily. The return of juvenile disorders is probably an unintended and unavoidable casualization of unskilled labor. Since the mid-1980s and accelerated in the 1990s, to address these types of behaviors successive governments have focused on forms of police resolution. There are different modes of action very different policemen. Whoever was chosen since the mid-1990s, is that police intervention that opposes that of the police investigation or nearby. A survey work that will stop the culprits or work attendance and community ties, was a favorite practice of "jumps". This is a police patrol, which stops, which stops and restarts. The concrete example is the LAC, the anti-crime brigade in which the police see themselves as predators. Their badges say much about their philosophy: tigers, cobras, wolves, lions, raptors, etc.. These are highly militarized units. By their arms and logical. The military is a logic "that can do more can do less." It is the illusion, violently denied in Kosovo or Iraq, with a chariot was stopped easily demonstrators. The classic police logic, however, proposes an increase in violence. It is the institution that sets the initial degree of violence. If one starts with a very low level of violence, opponents will be at a very low level of violence too. If violence goes up, you go up too. It is seen in a demonstration with mobile police who are at the beginning of the caps on their heads, but if the level rises, will release their helmets, etc.. In cities, we see this military logic that is required. The rubber bullets come out right away. From the start. And causing a level of violence starting from the strongest people who will oppose the police institution. A paradoxical effect of the introduction of non-lethal weapons like rubber bullets or tasers is that they are often used indiscriminately: we leave the weapon more easily, its use is less structured since the risk of killing is less. Of lawless areas, these are areas where state law does not apply. It does not exist in France. We can talk about this stuff in Colombia where such areas are controlled by the FARC who have their own laws, their own regulatory systems. In France it is not there. There are cities where the police are involved with varying degrees of pleasure. Police officers are instructed to go into neighborhoods, but do not know really what to do about it. The daily monitoring, twice-daily, three-day youth who park in a stairwell, it's not very interesting. What interests the police, the judiciary, the great criminal by the great detective. Each such control is difficult since it is in a logic of confrontation and tension. In addition, the sociology of policing has changed. The police are often people who come from social craftsmen, employees, mostly from small provincial towns. Socially, they are very far from those cities. They are young and they are all alone. Officers who require a seniority assignment elsewhere and get it. It leads to fear and respect to their professional practice which is epidermal with a vision "crime-suppression". Hence, for example, the explosion of insider insulting behavior. There is more distance to the role. This leads to a confrontation ritualized daily. Young people are putting pressure on the police who make them well. We find this general context, social, economic and police, everywhere in the French suburbs. Which implies that there is a breeding ground explosions. In November 2005, the link between what happened in Clichy and what has happened elsewhere has taken place through the statements of Nicolas Sarkozy and the media's role. The minister's statements, in a register very contemptuous and the media will indeed sync local situations. Previously, in situations similar to that of Clichy, young people were presented as criminals, this is not new. But alongside this there were signs of abating. The family was received, etc.. , Nicolas Sarkozy has added posing a power struggle. Television, meanwhile, has accredited the idea of ​​a general movement, including the exhibition of beautiful cards and a fiery speech catastrophist. It has thus contributed to the dynamics of spread of fire. Burning cars and trash containers became one of the only modes of dispute that is accessible. Access to a directory of peaceful mobilization, as a manifestation of the CGT, it is something that marks belonging to the legitimate political space. In the 19th century, the demonstration or strike were illegal things but have become legitimate as and as organizations who wore them were institutionalized. Today, young people are out of the legitimate political space. If we take the vote, it was in these neighborhoods to 52% abstention on average, 20% of foreigners who do not have the right to vote, 10 to 15% who are not on the lists. So it was a result of voting at about zero. Until 1980, there were approximately 70% of workers who voted. PS, traditionally the party of the left, is no longer a workers' party. In 1960, there were 35% of workers in the party. In 1998, there were 5% of workers. The PC, meanwhile, made a choice in the 1980s which the yard batting cages was to defend the workers against the encartés precarious, by competing in popular circles. He failed to either integrate the voluntary sector and community organizations. So we have people without access to traditional political space and which are rejected when they try to access it. Just look at the protests against police violence, for example, are routinely disqualified in politics. The history of immigrant movements, like the movement of immigration and suburbs (MIB) for example is fraught with these releases. We can not simultaneously deny access to arenas of political claims deeply political and condemn violence. In the absence of political opportunities, burn institutions like school, although it is quite wrong, it's burning the expression of a promise disappointed. Here we perceive really perverse effects of neoliberal policies. Social institutions (state or local government) must now deal with the consequences, the effects the most intolerable policies of the past thirty years. A teacher, an educator, it is they who will have to manage the consequences of these phenomena, without being able to influence their causes. One of the naive policies of the city, it was to believe that we could find solutions for neighborhoods within neighborhoods. A teacher or educator may be as good as he wants, if he can not secure a future for kids, a home, a job worthy of the name, it is placed in a very difficult situation. This devalues ​​the institution. Paradoxically they are placed in a situation where they become a kind of enemy they are obliged to get young people to back down on their aspirations. There is also the tense situation in the post offices where postal workers have to manage the effects of poverty on the bottom of RMI. The line officers of the state must manage the daily misery and this sometimes leads people to think that state officials are not necessarily allies. Above all that we ask these officials to be placed in a liberal logic of competition and profitability when the social situation tends dangerously. The EDF employees are more often seen as those who cut the light as aid workers. Besides terribly adverse effects when the police in vans planquent EDF or pose garbage. There is an interesting phenomenon. Young people, especially boys, who live in these neighborhoods have a strong feeling of insecurity when they leave. The violence of the gaze of the other, the judgment on their attitudes, the way of being or moving is one of the clearest manifestation of symbolic domination exerted on them. And that leads them to go mainly in places where they will meet their peers. Ie the Halles example and not in Neuilly or Auteuil. Having difficulty expressing anger, to put words on a problem can lead to acts of violence become the only way to express discontent .. The relationship to youth violence is not channeled in the same way across groups. Within the bourgeois youth is channeled in a different way, through sports clubs, clubs juveniles who do not let it wash over public roads. But this violence is also present. Violence is more prevalent among young farmers. The number of young people killed or injured in brawls is more important in the countryside than in the suburbs. Dances of the villages on Saturday night remain the most lethal but rarely see the press do its headlines on this topic. Apart from "Bal tragic Colombay: 1 dead" .. When a youth of the popular use of physical violence against a young bourgeois, it is no longer on the same modes of regulation of violence and this is why it is shocking. Physical violence prevails in an immediate, but over the long term, it is the other who wins symbolically. It's better in school, etc.. And that both are aware, consciously or unconsciously .. In an agricultural environment where violence is a shared value or at least accepted, this does not shock. This is when there are strong confrontations between modes of different reports to violence that it hurts. Not to mention that there are forms of violence, less visible, which are just as painful as physical abuse. Racism, discrimination and most widespread of all, the social racism, are examples. The suburbs as an organized force of resistance, it is something very dated and has a single source. In the 1990s we speak to remove the General Intelligence. At that time, their traditional political intelligence function suffers from a legitimacy crisis, scandals like the Doucet have splashed. They will then do something smart enough, he will be interested to urban violence. They invented the term. And they will raise the issue with their own speech is political: the world is driven by active minorities hidden. Therefore, in their minds, find out who is behind the movements, which can not be spontaneous. This in fact leads to paradoxical situations where we are told that if there is no agitation, it is precisely that it is very controlled, even locked, hidden by minorities. But in the case of November 2005, the same central management of RG denied the organized riots. The question is not asked and that seems essential is: what place do we do to the unskilled youth in our society? It does not base citizenship on social uselessness. This is a very political issue, and that can only be achieved through forms of political reorganization of the working classes able to absorb what divides dug twenty-five years of conservative revolution. At the same time, the two oil crisis and the transformations of the production system, in short, the transition to post-Fordism, c